Friday, January 26, 2024

 

Presentation of Credentials and Goldilocks Principles

By Kazi Anwarul Masud
Date : 24 Jan , 2024

Ceremonial Presentation of Credentials by Ambassadors

It is widely known that when an ambassador is appointed, he or she carries a letter to the head of state of the receiving country introducing the carrier as the appointed ambassador to the recipient country.  It is generally done somberly and ceremonially. During my stay as ambassador to Germany, I was concurrently accredited as a non-resident ambassadorto Austria, Slovenia, and other countries in Europe. I was also appointed as ambassador to Vietnam, South Korea, and Thailand. The reason for giving my short biographical sketch is to draw the attention of the world to the problems we face and will continue to face for the foreseeable future.

Changes in the World from the Days the British Ruled the Waves

The world today is not the world of India’s first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s non-aligned policy along with Nkrumah’s Ghana, Indonesia’s Sukarno, and UAE’s Gamal Abdul Nasser. Long gone are the days when Britain ruled the waves and America’s sole suzerainty for long years. When the so-called rule-based world was not challenged by a rising China and Russia with their “limitless” friendship, challenging the West that its authoritarian rule is preferable to the developing countries through. For example, China’s Bridge and Road Initiative, badly needed by the developing countries for infra-structural development for which these countries do not have the money.

Mike Pence’s warning on China Debt Trap

One should not forget the public warning given by Donald Trump’s Vice President Mike Pence of China’s Debt Trap becausethe recipient countries cannot disclose the terms of the loan taken from China. So the world is faced with a tussle between democracy and authoritarianism. Martin Wolf Chief Economic Commentator of London-based Financial Times feels that Liberal democracy is in recession, and authoritarianism is on the rise.

The ties that ought to bind open markets to free and fair elections are threatened, even in democracy’s heartlands, the United States and England.  Around the world, powerful voices argue that capitalism is better without democracy; others argue that democracy is better without capitalism.

Martin Wolf Argues for Democratic Capitalism

Yet Martin Wolf argues that for all its flaws democratic capitalism remains far and away the best system for human flourishing. But something has gone seriously awry: the growth of prosperity has slowed, and the division of its fruits between the hyper-successful few and the rest has become more unequal.

The plutocrats have retreated to their bastions, where they pour scorn on the government’s ability to invest in the public goods needed to foster opportunity and sustainability. But the incoming flood of autocracy will rise to overwhelm them, too, in the end. 

Citizenship is not just a slogan or a romantic idea; it’s the only idea that can save us, Wolf argues. Nothing has ever harmonized political and economic freedom better than a shared faith in the common good. Regardless of Martin Wolf’s lamentations developing countries are more attracted to China’s BRI projects despite debt trap threats.

Indian Foreign Minister and Goldilocks Principle

Indian Foreign Minister Dr. Jaya Shankar believes in the Goldilocks principle that he described in a speech. He referred to the West using the Goldilocks principle on India. In his speech at the Atlantic Council, he said: “It is what I would call a sort of a goldilocks era of our relationship, which is: The West didn’t want India to get too weak, it didn’t want India to get too strong. So, it stirred the Indian porridge or tried to stir the Indian porridge just right. And sometimes, there were margins of error on either side. ….. pretty much across the development spectrum, the West was very supportive. But when it came to industrialization, particularly in heavy industries or in defense and security, the West was very conservative.” For elaboration on the Goldilocksprinciple one may refer to Wikipediawhich explains that the Goldilocks principle is a concept that refers to the idea of finding the “just right” amount of something. 

The principalis named after a children’s story “Three Bears” in which a young girl namedGoldilocks tastes three different bowls of porridge andfinds the porridge neither too hot nor too cold but has the right temperature. The concept of the right amount is easily understood and applied to a range of disciplines including development psychology, biology, astronomy, economics, and engineering. In economics, a Goldilocks economy sustains moderate economic growth and low inflation which allows a market-friendly monetary policy.

Can the World look Forward to Peace in 2024?

The trilateral security partnership comprising the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia – known simply as AUKUS – is among the most interesting alliances in recent memory, and it has the potential to be among the most consequential in the world in 2024. Uniting three countries that fought together in both world wars and a variety of lesser conflicts, AUKUS can be thought of as an offspring of the Five Eyes, a post-World War II intelligence-sharing initiative formed by the U.S., the U.K., Australia, Canada, and New Zealand (the four foreign shores which were usurped by Britain and Irelandwhen they eliminated the original natives of these lands)that is very much active even today. 

Although the Five Eyes is primarily a military alliance, its members generate nearly 30 percent of the world’s gross domestic product, and they have similar cultural, political, and commercial understandings. AUKUS has a strategic purpose, of course.

Originally billed as a mechanism to help Australia acquire nuclear-powered submarines, it will eventually involve enhanced intelligence sharing, indigenous military-industrial capabilities, tighter security operations, and the joint development of new weapons. But in no uncertain terms, its objective is to contain China’s navy and prevent it from dominating any part of the Pacific. But it is not only the Pacific with which it is concerned.

The Atlantic is not at risk right now, but just as it was a central figure in both world wars, so too could it be in the future. AUKUS members understand that any existential threat they face will come from the sea. Its members are all islands – even the United States, which must defend the seas around it. 

Friedman adds that the alliance is now primarily a naval one, but its economic might cannot be ignored, especially because it is arrayed specifically against China. In some ways, AUKUS is the natural outcome of global culture and national interests. The acquisition of nuclear submarines and aircraft represents that truth.

The economic reality of AUKUS will begin to be felt more heavily as China’s economy remains unstable and as it becomes a more sophisticated alliance, incorporating all dimensions of power into its mission. Military is the most obvious aspect of national power, but there are many facets, and this coming year will be devoted to aligning that power and using it on a global level, as New Zealand and Canada align their realities. 

Is China’s Growth a challenge to the US Pivot in Asia?

Analysts and those working in the White House have been faced with a challenge to China’s growth and flexing of its muscle in disputed areas in Asia. Some analysts have tried to assess President Joe Biden’s administration’s limited gains as reflecting an underlying reality that many in Washington would rather not face: U.S. military supremacy in Asia cannot be sustained over the long term. Rather than maintain an ill-fated pursuit of primacy, the United States should adopt a strategy that prioritizes balancing, not exceeding, Chinese power. Washington needs to focus more narrowly on safeguarding access to strategic locations—for example, the industrial centers of Japan and India—and key waterways.

Washington must also try to shift some of its security burdens by helping allies and partners strengthen their self-defense capabilities. Besides Washington needs to learn to better navigate the region’s many multilateral institutions to advance U.S. interests and influence instead of organizing engagement solely around U.S.-centered partnerships.

It may be relevant to address Xi-Jinping’s address to the CCP in January 2024 on the elimination of corruption at different levels of administration. that emphasized that in the new journey of anti-corruption, the CCP must continue to make efforts and advance in depth in eradicating the soil and conditions that cause corruption problems. 

The general requirement is to persist in promoting the policy of not being afraid of corruption, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt, deepening the treatment of both symptoms and root causes, systematic treatment, constantly expanding the depth and breadth of the anti-corruption struggle, prescribing the right medicine, precise treatment, and taking multiple measures simultaneously to eliminate recurring old problems. Gradually reduce it to make it difficult for new problems to spread, and promote the normalization and long-term prevention and treatment of corruption problems.

Xi Jinping pointed out that it is necessary to strengthen the party’s centralized and unified leadership in the fight against corruption. Party committees at all levels must effectively strengthen leadership over the entire process of the anti-corruption struggle, resolutely support the investigation and handling of corruption cases, and work hard to rectify problems. 

According to analysts the end of U.S. President Barack Obama’s second term, the United States faced a clear choice regarding its future role in Asia. As China grew more powerful—and assertive in its territorial claims—Washington could double down on costly efforts to try to maintain U.S. military primacy in the region. Or it could acknowledge that China will inevitably play a growing military role there and use its finite resources to balance Chinese power, seeking to prevent Chinese regional hegemony without sustaining its own ambition.

A primary challenge the United States faces in the Indo-Pacific is China’s large arsenal of missiles. U.S. forces concentrated at large bases in Guam, Japan, and South Korea are particularly vulnerable to Chinese strikes, and the Pentagon hopes to distribute personnel and assets more widely to numerous small bases and outposts across the region to improve their chances of survival. U.S. efforts to establish this distributed posture have yielded some achievements.

The Biden team secured expanded permissions for U.S. forces to use additional bases in Australia and the Philippines, as well as Papua New Guinea, pending the approval of the latter country’s parliament. However, these expanded permissions do not provide much in the way of additional crisis or wartime access.

The Philippines and Papua New Guinea have both signaled that they will not permit the United States to use bases on their territories to stockpile weapons or conduct offensive military operations in a war against China, especially over Taiwan.

This additional access does not address Washington’s most critical needs or expand U.S. access to the most strategically important countries in Southeast Asia: Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. In short, history teaches us that any country, in this case, China, when it becomes powerful, both economically and militarily, is expected to flex its muscle firstly in its periphery and then in the world at large.

It would be advisable for the US to make room for China in an increasingly multi-polar world. Yet one must not forget Sino-Indian border clashes and India’s eternal nemesis-Pakistan- which will not rest till India is destroyed or at least brought down to its knees. This is better left to the future as no country on earth would seek its destruction.

Conclusion

As rightly pointed out by former Jordanian Foreign Minister Marwan Muasherto be truly durable, a solution for the future of Gaza must be framed within a larger endgame for all Palestinians under Israeli control. It must finally address the root cause of unending violence: the Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank.

Years of failed negotiations have also made clear what such a plan will require to succeed: unlike so many of its predecessors, it must be credible and time-bound, and the endgame itself must be well-defined at the outset. Establishing such a comprehensive process will require extraordinary effort. But the alternative is far worse.

The current war has already led to the killing of huge numbers of civilians, the destruction of Gaza, the undermining of Israel’s security and international support, the creation of another 1.5 million Palestinian refugees, and the looming threat of a further mass transfer of Palestinians out of their ancestral lands. Any attempt to resolve the day-after problem by reverting to the old paradigms will simply invite these catastrophes to be repeated.

Tracing the history of the Palestinian occupation by the Israelis from the Oslo Accords he mentioned the current right-wing Israeli government’s repeated and publicly declared statements that it has no intention of ending the occupation or helping establish a Palestinian state.

Drawing from his experience as an Arab leader Marwan Muasher added that large parts of Gaza have been rendered practically uninhabitable, and several Israeli cabinet ministers, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself, have directly or indirectly promoted the idea of moving Palestinians to other countries.

Several Israeli and international commentators have also portrayed the Egyptian and Jordanian decisions to close their borders to Palestinians as an inhumane act, perhaps to pressure both states into letting Palestinians flee. But the Israeli government would then bar them from coming back. If Palestinians lose hope for a Palestinian state, the conflict could become more violent.

However, any attempt at mass transfer will not be easy to implement. Jordan and Egypt have already drawn international attention to this scenario, to the point where the United States and other countries have publicly come out in strong opposition. According to the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research poll, 63 percent of Palestinians today say they would support armed resistance to end the occupation.

Such resistance had already started in the West Bank in the months before October 7, with young, leaderless youth taking up arms and shooting at Israelis. Moreover, if it chooses to continue the occupation, Israel’s challenge won’t just be internal.

The country is also confronting an emerging younger generation in the United States and many other Western countries that have shown it is far more supportive of Palestinians and the issue of equal rights than its predecessors. As this generation rises to positions of power, the world will become increasingly critical of the Israeli occupation, and the focus will shift from defining an illusory peace settlement to tackling the problem of deep injustice in indefinitely occupied lands.

It is also likely to make Israel increasingly isolated on the world stage. Given the fact that the US Presidential elections are around the corner and the influence of the Jewish lobby in US politics is considerable no change in American policy on this issue is expected. It would be wise for the world to listen to the pleadings by South Africa before the ICC and hold Israel guilty of genocide.

Benjamin Netanyahu should not be allowed to go Scott-free after committing the worst genocide that the Jews themselves had suffered at the hands of Nazi Germany. In the meantime, the world will have to tackle the change that the Ukraine invasion may cause a change in the map of Europe.

 

Presentation of Credentials and Goldilocks Principles

Given the fact that the US Presidential elections are around the corner and the influence of the Jewish lobby in US politics is considerable no change in American policy on this issue is expected.

  
10 mins read
 
US-India Diplomacy

CEREMONIAL PRESENTATION OF CREDENTIALS BY AMBASSADORS

It is widely known that when an ambassador is appointed, he or she carries a letter to the head of state of the receiving country introducing the carrier as the appointed ambassador to the recipient country.  It is generally done somberly and ceremonially. During my stay as ambassador to Germany, I was concurrently accredited as a non-resident ambassador to Austria, Slovenia, and other countries in Europe. I was also appointed as ambassador to Vietnam, South Korea, and Thailand. The reason for giving my short biographical sketch is to draw the attention of the world to the problems we face and will continue to face for the foreseeable future.

CHANGES IN THE WORLD FROM THE DAYS THE BRITISH RULED THE WAVES.

The world today is not the world of India’s first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s non-aligned policy along with Nkrumah’s Ghana, Indonesia’s Sukarno, and UAE’s Gamal Abdul Nasser. Long gone are the days when Britain ruled the waves and America’s sole suzerainty for long years when the so-called rule-based world was not challenged by a rising China and Russia with their “limitless” friendship challenging the West that its authoritarian rule is preferable to the developing countries through, for example, China’s Bridge and Road  Initiative, badly needed by the developing countries for infra-structural development for which these countries do not have the money.   

MIKE PENCE’S WARNING ON CHINA DEBT TRAP

One should not forget the public warning given by Donald Trump’s Vice President Mike Pence of China’s Debt Trap because the recipient countries cannot disclose the terms of the loan taken from China. So the world is faced with a tussle between democracy and authoritarianism. Martin Wolf Chief Economic Commentator of London-based Financial Times feels that Liberal democracy is in recession, and authoritarianism is on the rise. The ties that ought to bind open markets to free and fair elections are threatened, even in democracy’s heartlands, the United States and England.  Around the world, powerful voices argue that capitalism is better without democracy; others argue that democracy is better without capitalism.

MARTIN WOLF ARGUES FOR DEMOCRATIC CAPITALISM.

Yet Martin Wolf argues that for all its flaws democratic capitalism remains far and away the best system for human flourishing. But something has gone seriously awry: the growth of prosperity has slowed, and the division of its fruits between the hyper-successful few and the rest has become more unequal. The plutocrats have retreated to their bastions, where they pour scorn on the government’s ability to invest in the public goods needed to foster opportunity and sustainability. But the incoming flood of autocracy will rise to overwhelm them, too, in the end. Citizenship is not just a slogan or a romantic idea; it’s the only idea that can save us, Wolf argues. Nothing has ever harmonized political and economic freedom better than a shared faith in the common good. Regardless of Martin Wolf’s lamentations developing countries are more attracted to China’s BRI projects despite debt trap threats.

INDIAN FOREIGN MINISTER AND GOLDILOCKS PRINCIPLE.

Indian Foreign Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar believes in the Goldilocks principle that he described in a speech he referred to the West using the Goldilocks principle on India. In his speech at the Atlantic Council, he said: “It is what I would call a sort of a goldilocks era of our relationship, which is: The West didn’t want India to get too weak, it didn’t want India to get too strong. So, it stirred the Indian porridge or tried to stir the Indian porridge just right. And sometimes, there were margins of error on either side. ….. pretty much across the development spectrum, the West was very supportive. But when it came to industrialization, particularly in heavy industries or in defense and security, the West was very conservative.” 

For elaboration on the Goldilocks principle one may refer to Wikipedia which explains that the Goldilocks principle is a concept that refers to the idea of finding the “just right” amount of something. The principal is named after a children’s story “Three Bears” in which a young girl named Goldilocks tastes three different bowls of porridge and finds the porridge neither too hot nor too cold but has the right temperature. The concept of the right amount is easily understood and applied to a range of disciplines including development psychology, biology, astronomy, economics, and engineering. In economics, a Goldilocks economy sustains moderate economic growth and low inflation which allows a market-friendly monetary policy.  

CAN THE WORLD LOOK FORWARD TO PEACE IN 2024?

 The trilateral security partnership comprising the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia – known simply as AUKUS – is among the most interesting alliances in recent memory, and it has the potential to be among the most consequential in the world in 2024. Uniting three countries that fought together in both world wars and a variety of lesser conflicts, AUKUS can be thought of as an offspring of the Five Eyes, a post-World War II intelligence-sharing initiative formed by the U.S., the U.K., Australia, Canada, and New Zealand that is very much active even today.  Although the Five Eyes is primarily a military alliance, its members generate nearly 30 percent of the world’s gross domestic product, and they have similar cultural, political, and commercial understandings. AUKUS has a strategic purpose, of course. Originally billed as a mechanism to help Australia acquire nuclear-powered submarines, it will eventually involve enhanced intelligence sharing, indigenous military-industrial capabilities, tighter security operations, and the joint development of new weapons. But in no uncertain terms, its objective is to contain China’s navy and prevent it from dominating any part of the Pacific. But it is not only the Pacific with which it is concerned. The Atlantic is not at risk right now, but just as it was a central figure in both world wars, so too could it be in the future.

AUKUS members understand that any existential threat they face will come from the sea. Its members are all islands – even the United States, which must defend the seas around it.  Friedman adds that the alliance is now primarily a naval one, but its economic might cannot be ignored, especially because it is arrayed specifically against China. In some ways, AUKUS is the natural outcome of global culture and national interests. The acquisition of nuclear submarines and aircraft represents that truth. The economic reality of AUKUS will begin to be felt more heavily as China’s economy remains unstable and as it becomes a more sophisticated alliance, incorporating all dimensions of power into its mission. Military is the most obvious aspect of national power, but there are many facets, and this coming year will be devoted to aligning that power and using it on a global level, as New Zealand and Canada align their realities. 

IS CHINA’S GROWTH A CHALLENGE TO THE US PIVOT IN ASIA?

Analysts and those working in the White House have been faced with a challenge to China’s growth and flexing of its muscle in disputed areas in Asia. Some analysts have tried to assess President Joe Biden’s administration’s limited gains as reflecting an underlying reality that many in Washington would rather not face: U.S. military supremacy in Asia cannot be sustained over the long term. Rather than maintain an ill-fated pursuit of primacy, the United States should adopt a strategy that prioritizes balancing, not exceeding, Chinese power. Washington needs to focus more narrowly on safeguarding access to strategic locations—for example, the industrial centers of Japan and India—and key waterways. Washington must also try to shift some of its security burdens by helping allies and partners strengthen their self-defense capabilities. Besides Washington needs to learn to better navigate the region’s many multilateral institutions to advance U.S. interests and influence instead of organizing engagement solely around U.S.-centered partnerships. It may be relevant to address Xi-Jinping’s address to the CCP in January 2024 on the elimination of corruption at different levels of administration. that emphasized that in the new journey of anti-corruption, the CCP must continue to make efforts and advance in depth in eradicating the soil and conditions that cause corruption problems. 

The general requirement is to persist in promoting the policy of not being afraid of corruption, not being able to be corrupt, and not wanting to be corrupt, deepening the treatment of both symptoms and root causes, systematic treatment, constantly expanding the depth and breadth of the anti-corruption struggle, prescribing the right medicine, precise treatment, and taking multiple measures simultaneously to eliminate recurring old problems. Gradually reduce it to make it difficult for new problems to spread, and promote the normalization and long-term prevention and treatment of corruption problems. Xi Jinping pointed out that it is necessary to strengthen the party’s centralized and unified leadership in the fight against corruption. Party committees at all levels must effectively strengthen leadership over the entire process of the anti-corruption struggle, resolutely support the investigation and handling of corruption cases, and work hard to rectify problems. 

According to analysts the end of U.S. President Barack Obama’s second term, the United States faced a clear choice regarding its future role in Asia. As China grew more powerful—and assertive in its territorial claims—Washington could double down on costly efforts to try to maintain U.S. military primacy in the region. Or it could acknowledge that China will inevitably play a growing military role there and use its finite resources to balance Chinese power, seeking to prevent Chinese regional hegemony without sustaining its own ambition. A primary challenge the United States faces in the Indo-Pacific is China’s large arsenal of missiles. U.S. forces concentrated at large bases in Guam, Japan, and South Korea are particularly vulnerable to Chinese strikes, and the Pentagon hopes to distribute personnel and assets more widely to numerous small bases and outposts across the region to improve their chances of survival. U.S. efforts to establish this distributed posture have yielded some achievements. The Biden team secured expanded permissions for U.S. forces to use additional bases in Australia and the Philippines, as well as Papua New Guinea, pending the approval of the latter country’s parliament. However, these expanded permissions do not provide much in the way of additional crisis or wartime access.

The Philippines and Papua New Guinea have both signaled that they will not permit the United States to use bases on their territories to stockpile weapons or conduct offensive military operations in a war against China, especially over Taiwan. This additional access does not address Washington’s most critical needs or expand U.S. access to the most strategically important countries in Southeast Asia: Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. In short, history teaches us that any country, in this case, China, when it becomes powerful, both economically and militarily, is expected to flex its muscle firstly in its periphery and then in the world at large.  It would be advisable for the US to make room for China in an increasingly multi-polar world. Yet one must not forget Sino-Indian border clashes and India’s eternal nemesis-Pakistan- which will not rest till India is destroyed or at least brought down to its knees. This is better left to the future as no country on earth would seek its destruction.

CONCLUSION

As rightly pointed out by former Jordanian Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher to be truly durable, a solution for the future of Gaza must be framed within a larger endgame for all Palestinians under Israeli control. It must finally address the root cause of unending violence: the Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank. Years of failed negotiations have also made clear what such a plan will require to succeed: unlike so many of its predecessors, it must be credible and time-bound, and the endgame itself must be well-defined at the outset. Establishing such a comprehensive process will require extraordinary effort. But the alternative is far worse.

The current war has already led to the killing of huge numbers of civilians, the destruction of Gaza, the undermining of Israel’s security and international support, the creation of another 1.5 million Palestinian refugees, and the looming threat of a further mass transfer of Palestinians out of their ancestral lands. Any attempt to resolve the day-after problem by reverting to the old paradigms will simply invite these catastrophes to be repeated. Tracing the history of the Palestinian occupation by the Israelis from the Oslo Accords he mentioned the current right-wing Israeli government’s repeated and publicly declared statements that it has no intention of ending the occupation or helping establish a Palestinian state. Drawing from his experience as an Arab leader Marwan Muasher added that large parts of Gaza have been rendered practically uninhabitable, and several Israeli cabinet ministers, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself, have directly or indirectly promoted the idea of moving Palestinians to other countries. Several Israeli and international commentators have also portrayed the Egyptian and Jordanian decisions to close their borders to Palestinians as an inhumane act, perhaps to pressure both states into letting Palestinians flee. But the Israeli government would then bar them from coming back.

If Palestinians lose hope for a Palestinian state, the conflict could become more violent. However, any attempt at mass transfer will not be easy to implement. Jordan and Egypt have already drawn international attention to this scenario, to the point where the United States and other countries have publicly come out in strong opposition. According to the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research poll, 63 percent of Palestinians today say they would support armed resistance to end the occupation. Such resistance had already started in the West Bank in the months before October 7, with young, leaderless youth taking up arms and shooting at Israelis. Moreover, if it chooses to continue the occupation, Israel’s challenge won’t just be internal. The country is also confronting an emerging younger generation in the United States and many other Western countries that have shown it is far more supportive of Palestinians and the issue of equal rights than its predecessors. As this generation rises to positions of power, the world will become increasingly critical of the Israeli occupation, and the focus will shift from defining an illusory peace settlement to tackling the problem of deep injustice in indefinitely occupied lands. It is also likely to make Israel increasingly isolated on the world stage.

Given the fact that the US Presidential elections are around the corner and the influence of the Jewish lobby in US politics is considerable no change in American policy on this issue is expected. It would be wise for the world to listen to the pleadings by South Africa before the ICC and hold Israel guilty of genocide. Benjamin Netanyahu should not be allowed to go Scott-free after committing the worst genocide that the Jews themselves had suffered at the hands of Nazi Germany.  In the meantime, the world will have to tackle the change that the Ukraine invasion may cause a change in the map of Europe.

 The International Criminal Court (ICC)

Should The World Support South Africa’s Accusations Against Israel?

By 

Nesrine Malik of The Guardian rightly pointed out that it’s not only Israel on trial. South Africa is testing the West’s claim to moral superiority. The world, she writes, has failed Gaza in ‘live-streamed genocide’, South Africa’s delegation says at ICJ.  This is not the only challenge to an international order that has made Palestinian claims so difficult to validate. The ICJ case shows how Western logic is wearing thin and its persuasive power waning in a multipolar world.

The significance of the fact that the country bringing the case is South Africa – an icon of the ravages of colonialism, settlement, and apartheid – cannot be lost on anyone. It symbolizes a vast racial injustice, too raw and recent to be dismissed as ancient history. In the figure of Nelson Mandela, there lies an evocative example of moral clarity undimmed by persecution. It is no surprise that the support expressed for South Africa is entirely from countries in the Global South. While the world should have no qualms in supporting Nesrine Malik’s assertion on the argument presented by South Africa, the leader of the African continent, one still gropes for a definitive answer to the question of what constitutes genocide. 

A somewhat quest can be found in the book of Martin Shaw, a professor of International Relations and Politics at the University of Sussex where he tries to present his definition as follows: – “a form of violent social conflict, or war, between armed power organizations that aim to destroy civilian social groups and those groups and other actors who resist this destruction”. Referring to the adoption of adoption of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide an analyst assesses the worthiness of Martin Shaw’s definition of genocide she writes while Shaw’s definition is worthy of consideration, it can never be used in a legal context. Resisting the perpetrator’s intention, he offers genocide acts as “action in which armed power organizations treat civilian social groups as enemies and aim to destroy their real or putative social power, using killing, violence, and coercion against individuals whom they regard as members of the group”. 

Shaw’s book provides a conceptual understanding of the many conflicting opinions surrounding the legal definition of genocide within the Genocide Convention and raises the reader’s awareness of the possibility of studying genocide in a sociological context. What Shaw does not do is provide a definitive answer to the question he intended to answer: What is genocide? 

Leaving aside the answer to the question raised to scholars and experts (I claim to be neither) let me borrow the definition from Encyclopedia Britannica which says that genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction of a racial, religious, political, or ethnic group. In 1946 the UN General Assembly declared genocide a punishable crime. By this declaration, genocide by definition may be committed by an individual, group, or government, against one’s people or another, in peacetime or wartime. This last point distinguishes genocide from “crimes against humanity,” whose legal definition specifies wartime. Suspects may be tried by a court in the country where the act was committed or by an international court. 

An example of genocide more recent than the Holocaust is the slaughter of the Tutsi people by the Hutu in Rwanda in the 1990s. The most horrific example of genocide was committed by Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Germany.   Able-bodied Jewish prisoners were sent to a slave labor camp, while the aged, the weak, and children and their mothers were killed. Some prisoners were also subjected to medical experiments, conducted by Josef Mengele. The camp was gradually abandoned in 1944–45 as Soviet troops advanced. The total number who died at Auschwitz is estimated at between 1.1 million and 1.5 million, 90% of which were Jews. 

People of my generation still shiver at the gruesome genocide committed by the Pakistani Military Junta on unarmed Bengalis in the dead of night in 1971 and committed unspeakable atrocities making millions to run for shelter to neighboring India where the Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi opened her arms to embrace the fleeing Bengalis from persecution. The uncrowned leader of the Bengalis Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested by the Pakistani military where the ruling Military Junta of Yahya Khan and his cohorts sentenced him to death. Many books and articles have been written on Bangabandhu’s detention in then Pakistan and his return to free Bangladesh. One more by me will only be a drop in the ocean that I feel to be unnecessary. We are now on the path to progress and prosperity as the World Bank indicates. 

Monday, January 22, 2024

 

Is it Conceivable for Russia to Use Nuclear Weapons?

The Kremlin should not retain its monopoly on public discussion of nuclear use, and nuclear threats must be responded to rather than with panic. Russia should be challenged directly over its own toxic and irresponsible domestic and international nuclear statements.

  
10 mins read
 
A U.S. nuclear test in the Nevada desert in 1953 Foto: National Nuclear Security Administration

INTRODUCTION

One would like to answer in the negative given the fact that such a move would not only end mankind as we know it but would also mean the end of Russia itself. There is no reason to believe that the world regardless of the number of nuclear weapons they possess would let a madman survive. Yet Vladimir Putin’s remarks, are often misrepresented by learned people whose writings are printed in respected magazines e. g. Foreign Affairs and other publications as well, perhaps on the ground that freedom of expression is guaranteed by democracies throughout the world. I found it interesting to read an article by Peter  Schroeder (The Real Russian Nuclear Threat. The West Is Worried About the Wrong Escalation Risks in the December 20, 2023 issue.)

US POLICY ON RUSSIAN USE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS

 The writer quoted at length US President Joe Biden in the following words: “I worry about Putin using tactical nuclear weapons,” U.S. President Joe Biden said in June. The risk, he continued, is “real.” However, officials do not appear to believe that the war in Ukraine could lead Russia to use its nuclear arsenal against a NATO state, however furious it is at the West for supporting Ukraine. That is a mistake. U.S. officials have it backwards. It is quite unlikely that Russian President Vladimir Putin will use a nuclear weapon on the battlefield in Ukraine, but he may move toward using one against NATO. Unlike the West, Putin may not fear a nuclear standoff: he is well versed in Russia’s nuclear arsenal and the tenets of nuclear deterrence, and possibly sees himself as uniquely suited to navigating a nuclear crisis.

RUSSIAN PRESIDENT ON USE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS

Vladimir  Putin has been remarkably consistent that Russia is willing to use nuclear weapons against NATO to defend its interests in Ukraine.” Peter Schroeder added that even eight years ago, in a television interview done a year after Russia invaded Crimea, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that he had been ready to place Russian nuclear forces on alert to prevent Western forces from interfering in Moscow’s takeover of the peninsula.

Russian nuclear weapons use is not imminent. But if Putin does escalate the war, for instance by attacking NATO with conventional weapons, he will likely move very swiftly, so as not to give the United States a chance to manoeuvre away from a crisis. Washington will struggle to deter a Kremlin so emboldened.

INVASION OF UKRAINE AND RUSSIAN NUCLEAR POLICY

Ukraine is too central to the Kremlin’s ambitions—and too secondary to the United States—for Putin to believe any American threats. Ultimately, Vladimir Putin will expect the United States to back down before fighting a nuclear conflict over land so far from home.

Do people believe that such an eventuality can happen in a world that has become so complex and so interdependent with phrases like ‘de-risking” and “ de-globalization” and many other phrases being taught in schools from primary levels?

RUSSIAN SUSPENSION OF NEW START TREATY

In his long article Peter Schroeder wrote that in February 2023, Russia suspended participation in the New START treaty, which regulated how many nuclear weapons Moscow and Washington could have. In March, the Kremlin announced that it would move some of its nuclear weapons into Belarus. In October of that year, Vladimir Putin suggested that Russia might restart nuclear testing.

All the while, Russian government officials have threatened to launch a nuclear attack, as former President Dmitriy Medvedev did in July when he said Russia could “use nuclear weapons” to conclude the Ukraine war in a few days. U.S. officials, of course, have paid attention to these threats, but they have not been convinced by them. They imagined that Moscow may use small so-called tactical nuclear weapons on the battlefield, but not large so-called strategic ones against NATO states.

THE US IS HOPEFUL THAT RUSSIA WILL NOT USE NUCLEAR WEAPONS

According to National Security Adviser, Jake Sullivan  U.S. experts in recent days thought that there was little fear that Russia would use strategic nuclear weapons in Ukraine or against the West, but some remained concerned that Russia could use tactical weapons. Putin, their thinking went might use these weapons to help Russian forces halt a Ukrainian attack that appeared on the verge of taking back Crimea or inflicting a significant defeat that threatened to push Russian forces out of eastern Ukraine. However, the growing complacency among U.S. officials is based on a misunderstanding of Putin’s rhetoric and the dynamics that keep Moscow from using nuclear weapons.

When Putin invokes his arsenal, he is not trying to warn that Russia could use tactical nuclear weapons in Ukraine. Rather, his rhetoric is designed to threaten NATO itself. It is a blinking red light, a warning to American decision-makers that Moscow is willing to create a nuclear confrontation with Washington if needed to win in Ukraine. So long as Putin remains optimistic about Russia’s odds, he is unlikely to rock the boat in Ukraine. Tactical nuclear weapons would do little to help Russia break the stalemate. Ukrainian forces are well entrenched along a frontline that extends for roughly 600 miles, so even dozens of tactical weapons would not be enough to let Russia push through. Even if they were, Russia does not have the manoeuvrable reserve forces needed to exploit any opening created by these weapons.

CHATHAM HOUSE WEIGHS IN ON RUSSIAN NUCLEAR POLICY

Peter Schroeder’s thesis was countered by Valeria Akimenko, Senior Research Analyst, Conflict Studies Research Centre of Chatham House explaining the myth of the use of Russian nuclear weapons and wrote that the circumstances under which Russia might use nuclear weapons have been the subject of lengthy and heated debate. This is in part because of mixed messages from Russia itself. Published nuclear doctrine describes a very limited set of circumstances predicting a nuclear response by Russia. But this is at odds with consistent public rhetoric from President Vladimir Putin down through the entire information apparatus of the Russian state, which has frequently made both implicit and explicitRussia’s nuclear rhetoric being incessant and emphasised readiness to use these weapons.

But it aims to extract the maximum possible practical value from their mere possession, with or without actual intent to use. The impact of these threats builds on an intensive and highly effective program by Russia’s extended network of influencers abroad promising almost inevitable escalation to nuclear war if Russia’s plans are opposed. While the constant Russian nuclear refrain suggests a greater willingness to consider nuclear use in real life, in turn, based on Russia’s demonstrated greater willingness to inflict mass destruction and mass casualties in pursuit of its aims, the rationale behind these threats is to increase Russia’s operational latitude without actually having to go to war, by undermining Western will to resist.

This campaign has been effective in creating an impression that Russia has an exceptionally low threshold for nuclear use and that a wide range of circumstances or ‘provocations’ could cause that threshold to be crossed.

RUSSIAN MILITARY DOCTRINE PROVIDES FIRST USE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN CONVENTIONAL WAR

Russian nuclear doctrine provides for nuclear first use in a conventional war when the country’s ‘very existence’ is at risk. But this has not prevented a wide range of risks in any war, even one started by Russia, being described as existential. It is argued that there need not even be a war. International sanctions and even “aggressive” statements by Russia’s “enemies” have repeatedly proved sufficient to trigger renewed nuclear threats.

Western political leaders have themselves confirmed that Russia has succeeded in shaping their behaviour through nuclear intimidation. A wide range of experienced analysts outside Russia hold the opinion that  Russia’s nuclear weapons would only actually be used in extremis. This view holds that Russia’s nuclear arms are a political, defensive deterrent, and thus unlikely to be employed. It further suggests that advances in Russia’s conventional capabilities have made it less likely to need to resort to the use of nuclear weapons. The debate is further complicated by the layering of Russia’s nuclear capabilities, from non-strategic to strategic weapons.

The contributions of Russian commentators on the nuclear policy should be treated with skepticism, but in many cases, they too have played down the likelihood of nuclear use. The arms control specialist Nikolai Sokov holds that Russia’s nuclear doctrine is defensive and that it reserves nuclear use ‘exclusively for situations when Russia is attacked’, albeit in a broader range of circumstances than the widely recognized criterion of an attack ‘which threatens the existence of the state itself’.

LIMITED NUCLEAR WAR IS “ALIEN” TO RUSSIAN STRATEGY

Meanwhile, the former Russian military intelligence officer and Carnegie Moscow analyst Dmitri Trenin has argued that the notion of a limited nuclear war has always been ‘alien’ to Russian strategy.

Informed analysts outside Russia have also noted a trend for the threshold for Russian nuclear use to become higher, not lower, as Moscow’s conventional military capabilities have improved from their nadir in the 2000s. Kristin Ven Bruusgaard observed that ‘Russia today is less, not more likely to use nuclear weapons than it was 10 or 15 years ago’. Olga Oliker has also argued there is little evidence Russia has lowered its threshold for nuclear use. 

Disagreements over the precise threshold for Russia to use nuclear weapons risk obscuring the key point that that threshold is far lower than for Western nuclear powers. The moral dimension of nuclear use is also far less of a constraint for Russia than for democracies, as is also the case with other actions in Russia’s conduct of war that cause revulsion abroad – most recently highlighted in Ukraine. Russia also continues to upgrade its nuclear command and control systems, regarded as a vital second-strike and warfighting capability.

Moreover, while Russia’s nuclear doctrine posits its nuclear weapons as ‘exclusively’ a deterrent, it also sets out specific criteria for their employment. Each of these criteria allows for nuclear first use in circumstances that no Western leader ‘would even consider’.

RUSSIA SHIFTS TO POLICY OF FIRST USE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS

Russia’s shifting first-use posture in the late 1990s and into the 2000s – a pivot from ‘no first use’ to ‘first use if necessary’ to ‘assured first use if Russia’s survival is at stake’ – demonstrates its reliance on a nuclear arsenal for both deterrent and warfighting purposes.

The risks of miscalculation, meanwhile, have been strongly emphasized by Russia in its campaign of intimidation but do nevertheless exist.

However, while all of these factors demonstrate that Russia’s attitude to nuclear use is significantly different from that of a NATO nuclear power, this attitude does not set preconditions for reckless, pointless or suicidal nuclear attacks in response to marginal threats.

While Russia’s attitude to nuclear use is significantly different from that of a NATO nuclear power, this attitude does not set preconditions for reckless, pointless or suicidal nuclear attacks in response to marginal threats.

As noted above, the most direct and obvious success of Russia’s nuclear threats is in constraining Western support for Ukraine. But Russia capitalizes far more broadly on the perception that it must not be impeded, offended or, most of all, defeated. This means there are few credible options for responding in the event of Russian use of non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs), which in turn enhances their intimidatory power. In other words, the threat of massive US retaliation alone is inadequate if Western nuclear deterrence is to remain credible.

CHATHAM HOUSE ADVISES RESTRAINT TO THE WEST IN DEALING WITH RUSSIAN NUCLEAR THREATS

Valeryia Akimenko concludes by saying that good policy means responding soberly to Russian nuclear threats, while at the same time ensuring that any actual nuclear use cannot go unanswered. Russia has weaponized nuclear rhetoric to great effect, evident in the near-panic that ensues every time President Putin mentions the possibility of nuclear use. The international community should recognize that this is a routine element of Russian state communications and should take a long view in assessing such propaganda rather than reacting to each new occasion when it is employed. Consistent long-term policy is called for instead.

To close the deterrence gap, NATO must re-examine and re-emphasize its nuclear deterrent in such a way as to address the threat, however remote, of low-yield nuclear weapons being employed for limited military objectives and localized effect. It must better calibrate its capabilities to the developments in Russia’s arsenal, and address the gaps in NATO’s escalatory ladder that have formed as a result. Conventional and nuclear, defensive and offensive, symmetrical and asymmetrical military countermeasures must be demonstratively available for use for maximum effect in deterring any consideration of nuclear use by Russia. The gulf in non-strategic nuclear capability demands policy adjustment, beyond the step already taken to fit several low-yield warheads to strategic submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Cheaper and more credible delivery platforms, distinguishable from those designed for a strategic nuclear strike, are essential.

This is not to argue for a full-on nuclear arms race. Rather, it is essential to signal resolve, which is often lacking, as well as to demonstrate potential, which at the moment is also absent. Defensive action against the use of NSNWs, such as the hardening of high-value targets, must be considered. A coordinated division of labour is necessary both within NATO and more broadly. NATO’s non-nuclear member states and other like-minded non-nuclear nations must also contribute towards advanced conventional deterrent capabilities, including missile defence and a full range of stand-off fires.

The Kremlin should not retain its monopoly on public discussion of nuclear use, and nuclear threats must be responded to rather than with panic. Russia should be challenged directly over its own toxic and irresponsible domestic and international nuclear statements. Above all, situations that would warrant a limited nuclear response by Western nuclear powers, such as Russian use of NSNWs or other weapons of mass destruction, should be discussed publicly to reduce Russia’s confidence in Western self-deterrence. All of these measures would render Russia’s nuclear threats even less realistic, and hence a less effective tool for intimidation.( Publication date: 23 August 2022).

CONCLUSION

Given the above information on Russian nuclear weapons and her policy on the use of nuclear weapons we the people of the world would like to be hopeful for the continued prosperity of mankind. The rise of China, albeit a wrinkle in global politics, is expected to contribute to the development of mankind. One hopes that the “limitless friendship” between Russia and China will not be able to stand in the way of the progress of democratic people regardless of the opposition by the Sino-Russian entente. Many developing countries would indeed be attracted by China’s Bridges and Road (BRI) initiative aimed at developing the infrastructures of these countries that have the need but not the resources. China’s BRI initiative is attractive to developing countries because China does not impose any restrictions on the loans given to these countries. But BRI projects have been publicly criticized by the Americans in particular dubbing the initiative as Debt Trap. Such accusations, however, do not touch Russia or its policy on nuclear weapons.