HOW TO DEAL
WITH ROGUE STATES (FOR PUBLICATION ON SUNDAY THE 29TH OCTOBER 2006)
By Kazi
Anwarul Masud (former Secretary and ambassador)
In total
defiance of the wishes of the international community on 9th October
2006 North Korea conducted a nuclear test. Prior to the nuclear test in July
Pyongyang escalated tension by conducting ballistic missile tests rendering any
meaningful talks with North Korea, in the words of Peter Beck (of International
Crisis Group), as “dead man walking”. North Koreans have attributed the cause
of their action to its suspicion that the US would not honor the September 2005
agreement which among others committed Washington to respect North Korean
sovereignty and that it would allow Pyongyang to have a light-water nuclear
reactor. But subsequent remarks by Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice and Bush
administration’s points man in Korean affairs Christopher Hill suggested to the
North Koreans that the US is backing out of its commitment. The matter was
further complicated by Bush administration’s designation of Macau bank Banco
Delta Asia as a “money laundering concern” by assisting North Korean government
and its agencies in drug trafficking and in the distribution of fake US
currencies. After its designation as a money laundering concern Banco Delta
Asia froze 24 million dollars North Korean money lying with the bank. Meanwhile
the US continued to decline to engage North Korea in direct talks outside of
the context of the six party talks.
Pyongyang’s
missile tests in defiance of the international community, particularly China,
perhaps denote a fundamental change in North Korean attitude towards the six
nation talks. It is suspected that the “center of gravity” within the North
Korean dictatorial regime may have moved in favor of the hardliners who may
have decided that it is futile to negotiate with the US. Besides the reaction
of South Korea and China to the missile tests have been muted. Whether North
Korean brinkmanship in its “inerrant” belief that conducting nuclear test would
force the international community to impotence was responsible for the 9th
October incident described by Daryl Kimball (of the Arms Control Association)
as constituting “one of the greatest non-proliferation policy failures” or the
insistent refusal of the US to engage in direct talks with North Korea remain
to be seen. Daryl Kimball suggested (before the UNSC resolution was adopted)
that the Bush administration should adjust its “failed strategy and announce
that senior US officials are prepared to meet anywhere anytime in bilateral
talks with North Korean officials to resolve issues of concern so long as North
Korea also agrees to six-party talks and refrains from further nuclear or
missile tests”. Critics of Bush administration
have pointed out that The Agreed Framework concluded with North Korea during
Clinton Presidency succeeding in preventing North Korea from producing
plutonium for more than eight years.
On 14th
October the UNSC passed a resolution condemning the nuclear test and demanded
of North Korea that it must refrain from further nuclear tests or launch
ballistic missiles. The Council demanded that Pyongyang immediately retract its
announced withdrawal from NPT, return to the pact, and accept IAEA safeguards.
The resolution also demanded that North Korea must abandon all nuclear weapons
and existing nuclear programs “in a complete, verifiable and irreversible
manner”. Most significantly the resolution was passed unanimously with the
support of China and Russia that in the past had been somewhat supportive of
the North Korean stance in the talks.
In an
article Robert Kaplan, visiting Professor at the US Naval Academy, Annapolis
(The Atlantic Monthly-October 2006) has drawn a bleak picture on unraveling of
the present North Korean regime. He describes Kim Jong IL as hardly an
impulsive person but one who may be losing his edge. Kaplan apprehends that as
totalitarian regimes close to demise are apt to do rash things the weaker North
Korea gets the more dangerous it becomes. Whereas in 1980 40% of North Korean
combat forces were deployed near the Demilitarized Zone in 2003 the number
increased to 70%. North Korea, writes Kaplan, boasts of 100000 well-trained
special operations forces and one of the world’s largest biological and
chemical arsenals. But the more worrying aspect of the demise of Kim regime is
North Korea’s potential for anarchy which is no less than that of Iraq and the
potential of deployment of weapons of mass destruction – either during or after
the pre-collapse of the regime—is far greater. Both South Korea and China have
nightmarish vision of millions of North Korean refugees pouring into their
territories after the collapse of Kim regime. Despite its image of Stalinist
asphyxiated control over the people it is believed that North Korea is
informally controlled as independent fiefs by local party bosses who are
immersed in widespread corruption and trying to circumvent a failing central
government. In the case of meltdown US along with China, South Korea and Russia
are expected to pick up the pieces. Japan, despite its proximity and direct
politico-security interest in the Korean peninsula is unlikely to be physically
present because of Japanese sacking of Korea over the centuries and its
atrocities during 1910-1945 when Japan occupied the Korean peninsula. Hatred of
Japan in both parts of Korea is widespread particularly among the older
generation. But then one should be cautious in writing an epitaph for the Kim
Jong IL regime too soon as the Western prediction of demise of Iranian theocracy
is yet to come to pass. Besides there is
no reason to believe that South Koreans are eager for reunification given the
fact that they will have to foot the bill for the poverty stricken North Korea
in a post-Kim unified Korea. To quote Kaplan “sacrifice is not a word that
voters in free and prosperous societies tend to like. If voters in
Western-style democracies are good at anything, it is rationalizing their own
selfishness—and it may turn out that the authoritarian Chinese understand the
voters of South Korea’s free and democratic society better than we do”.
Though China
is the main fuel supplier and the country giving largest amount of food aid to
North Korea and therefore supposedly has the most influence on Kim Jong IL
regime the nuclear test has put Beijing in an embarrassing position by
adversely affecting China’s efforts to keep a peaceful external environment
essential for Chinese economic development and integration into international
community. The test also puts doubt about Chinese influence over North Korean
regime and its credibility in international affairs. This perhaps explains the strong worded
statement issued by Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the nuclear test
expressing Beijing’s firm opposition to the test. The aberrant North Korean
behavior also fundamentally changes geopolitical structure in the region and
could spur a nuclear arms race among Japan (discounted by Prime Minister Abe),
South Korea and Taiwan to the detriment of China’s long-term security interest.
North Korean
dependence on China became apparent when during the recent visit by a special
Chinese envoy to Pyongyang Kim Jong IL not only regretted the embarrassment
caused to China by North Korean nuclear test but also promised not to undertake
further tests and also to join the six party talks so long abjured by North
Korea. Though it has been reportedly that Kim Jong IL had apologized to the
Chinese envoy State Counselor Tang Jiaxuan for conducting the nuclear
Condoleeza Rice said that in extensive briefing given to her by the Chinese
during her visit to Beijing she was not told of Kim’s apology to the Chinese
envoy. Besides Kim’s promise to rejoin the six party talks is conditioned upon
the US withdrawing economic sanctions against North Korea. Concurrently the diplomatic efforts by the
New Japanese Prime Minister through his visits to China and South Korea and US
Secretary of State’s visits to China and Japan must have cautioned Kim Jong IL
that the international community would not tolerate reckless behavior by the
North Korean regime. The nightmare
scenario for the international community is the possibility of North Korea
transferring nuclear materials to Iran and/or non-state actors. Such a
possibility cannot be totally discounted. Demented rulers threatened by
unraveling of their dictatorships are most desperate people who can do anything
to hurt the “enemy” in the last throes of their rule.
President
Bush reiterated that “opposing proliferation is one of the highest priorities
of the war against terror” as terrorists if they ever gain WMD would kill
hundreds of thousands of innocent people “without hesitation and without
mercy”. He assured that the US would continue its vigilance against
proliferation through enhanced intelligence capabilities; interdiction of
materials and technologies in transit; insistence on multi-lateral approach as
in the case of North Korea. It is now recognized that the real danger to
international security and stability is the possession of WMD by rogue states
and terrorists. International vigilance, particularly by P-5 of the UNSC, is
essential to guard against the possibility of nuclear weapons and/or technology
falling into the hands of non-state actors. Rogue states have to be identified,
isolated and punished for the slightest infraction of non-proliferation regime.
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